Elucidations - Purpose of the Stromata

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I.
(Purpose of the Stromata [2143] )

The Alexandrian Gnostics were the pestilent outgrowth of
pseudo-Platonism; and nobody could comprehend their root-errors, and
their branching thorns and thistles, better than Clement. His
superiority in philosophy and classical culture was exhibited,
therefore, in his writings, as a necessary preliminary. Like a good
nautical combatant, his effort was to "get to windward," and so bear
down upon the enemy (to use an anachronism) with heavy-shotted
broadsides. And we must not blame Clement for his plan of "taking the
wind out of their sails," by showing that an eclectic philosophy might
be made to harmonize with the Gospel. His plan was that of melting the
gold out of divers ores, and throwing the dross away. Pure gold, he
argues, is gold wherever it may be found, and even in the purse of
"thieves and robbers." So, then, he "takes from them the armour in
which they trusted, and divides the spoils." He will not concede to
them the name of "Gnostics," but wrests it from them, just as we
reclaim the name of "Catholics" from the Tridentine innovators, who
have imposed a modern creed (and are constantly adding to it) upon the
Latin churches. Here, then, let me quote the Account of Bishop Kaye. He
says, "The object of Clement, in composing the Stromata, was to
describe the true Gnostic,' or perfect Christian, in order to furnish
the believer with a model for his imitation, and to prevent him from
being led astray by the representations of the Valentinians and other
gnostic sects." ... "Before we proceed to consider his description of
the Gnostic, however, it will be necessary briefly to review his
opinions respecting the nature and condition of man."

Here follows a luminous analysis (occupying pp. 229-238 of Kaye's
work), after which he says,--

"The foregoing brief notice of Clement's opinions respecting man, his
soul, and his fallen state, appeared necessary as an introduction to
the description of the true Gnostic. By gnosis, Clement understood the
perfect knowledge of all that relates to God, His nature, and
dispensations. He speaks of a twofold knowledge,--one, common to all
men, and born of sense; the other, the genuine gnosis, bred from the
intellect, the mind, and its reason. This latter is not born with men,
but must be gained and by practice formed into a habit. The initiated
find its perfection in a loving mysticism, which this never-failing
love makes lasting."

So, further, this learned analyst, not blindly, but always with
scientific conscience and judicial impartiality, expounds his author;
and, without some such guide, I despair of securing the real interest
of the youthful student. Butler's Analogy and Aristotle's Ethics are
always analyzed for learners, by editors of their works; and hence I
have ventured to direct attention to this "guide, philosopher, and
friend" of my own inquiries. [2144]

II.
(Pantaenus and His School. [2145] )

The catechetical school at Alexandria was already ancient; for Eusebius
describes it as ex archaiou ethousand St. Jerome dates its origin from
the first planting of Christianity. Many things conspired to make this
city the very head of Catholic Christendom, at this time; for the whole
East centred here, and the East was Christendom while the West was yet
a missionary field almost entirely. Demetrius, then bishop, at the
times with which we are now concerned, sent Pantaenus to convert the
Hindoos, and, whatever his success or failure there, he brought back
reports that Christians were there before him, the offspring of St.
Bartholomew's preaching; and, in proof thereof, he brought with him a
copy of St. Matthew's Gospel in the Hebrew tongue [2146] which became
one of the treasures of the church on the Nile.

But it deserves note, that, because of the learning concentrated in
this place, the bishops of Alexandria were, from the beginning, the
great authorities as to the Easter cycle and the annual computation of
Easter, which new created the science of astronomy as one result. The
Council of Nice, in settling the laws for the observance of the Feast
of the Resurrection, extended the function of the Alexandrian See in
this respect; for it was charged with the duty of giving notice of the
day when Easter should fall every year, to all the churches. And easily
might an ambitious primate of Egypt have imagined himself superior to
all other bishops at that time; for, as Bingham observes, [2147] he was
the greatest in the world, "for the absoluteness of his power, and the
extent of his jurisdiction." And this greatness of Alexandria was
ancient, we must remember, at the Nicene epoch; for their celebrated
canon (VI.) reads, "Let ancient customs prevail; so that in Egypt,
Lybia, and Pentapolis, the Bishop of Alexandria shall have power over
all these." Similar powers and privileges, over their own regions, were
recognised in Rome and Antioch.

III.
(Tradition. [2148] )

The apostles distinguish between vain traditions of the Jews, and their
own Christian paradoseisthe tradita apostolica (2 Tim. i. 13, 14; 2
Tim. ii. 2; 1 Cor. xi. 2; 2 Thess. iii. 6; 1 Cor. v. 8; 1 Cor. xvi. 2).
Among these were (1) the authentication of their own Scriptures; (2)
certain "forms of sound words," afterwards digested into liturgies; (3)
the rules for celebrating the Lord's Supper, and of administering
baptism; (4) the Christian Passover and the weekly Lord's Day; (5) the
Jewish Sabbath and ordinances, how far to be respected while the temple
yet stood; (6) the kiss of charity, and other observances of public
worship; (7) the agapae, the rules about widows, etc.

In some degree these were the secret of the Church, with which
"strangers intermeddled not" lawfully. The Lord's Supper was celebrated
after the catechumens and mere hearers had withdrawn, and nobody was
suffered to be present without receiving the sacrament. But, after the
conversion of the empire, the canons and constitutions universally
dispersed made public all these tradita; and the liturgies also were
everywhere made known. It is idle, therefore, to shelter under theories
of the Disciplina Arcani, those Middle-Age inventions, of which
antiquity shows no trace but in many ways contradicts emphatically;
e.g., the Eucharist, celebrated after the withdrawal of the
non-communicants, and received, in both kinds, by all present, cannot
be pleaded as the "secret" which justifies a ceremony in an unknown
tongue and otherwise utterly different; in which the priest alone
partakes, in which the cup is denied to the laity and which is
exhibited with great pomp before all comers with no general
participation.

IV.
(Esoteric Doctrine. [2149] )

Early Christians, according to Clement, taught to all alike, (1) all
things necessary to salvation, (2) all the whole Scriptures, and (3)
all the apostolic traditions. This is evident from passages noted here
and hereafter. But, in the presence of the heathen, they remembered our
Lord's words, and were careful not "to cast pearls before swine." Like
St. Paul before Felix, they "reasoned of righteousness, temperance, and
judgment to come," when dealing with men who knew not God, preaching
Christ to them in a practical way. In their instructions to the
churches, they were able to say with the same apostle, "I am pure from
the blood of all men, for I have not shunned to declare unto you all
the counsel of God." Yet, even in the Church, they fed babes with milk,
and the more intelligent with the meat of God's word. What that meat
was, we discover in the Stromata, when our author defines the true
Gnostic, who follows whithersoever God leads him in the divinely
inspired Scriptures. He recognises many who merely taste the Scriptures
as believers; but the true Gnostic is a gnomon of truth, an index to
others of the whole knowledge of Christ.

What we teach children in the Sunday school, and what we teach young
men in the theological seminary, must illustrate the two ideas; the
same truths to babes in element, but to men in all their bearings and
relations.

The defenders of the modern creed of Pius the Fourth (a.d. 1564),
finding no authority in Holy Scripture for most of its peculiarities,
which are all imposed as requisite to salvation as if it were the
Apostles' Creed itself, endeavour to support them, by asserting that
they belonged to the secret teaching of the early Church, of which they
claim Clement as a witness. But the fallacy is obvious. Either they
were thus secreted, or they were not. If not, as is most evident
(because they contradict what was openly professed), then no ground for
the pretence. But suppose they were, what follows? Such secrets were no
part of the faith, and could not become so at a later period. If they
were kept secret by the new theologians, and taught to "Gnostics" only,
they would still be without primitive example, but might be less
objectionable. But, no! they are imposed upon all, as if part of the
ancient creeds; imposed, as if articles of the Catholic faith, on the
most illiterate peasant, whose mere doubt as to any of them excludes
him from the Church here, and from salvation hereafter. Such, then, is
a fatal departure from Catholic orthodoxy and the traditions of the
ancients. The whole system is a novelty, and the product of the most
barren and corrupt period of Occidental history.

The Church, as Clement shows, never made any secret of any article of
the Christian faith; and, as soon as she was free from persecution, the
whole testimony of the Ante-Nicene Fathers was summed up in the
Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Confession. This only is the Catholic faith,
and the council forbade any additions thereto, in the way of a symbol.
See Professor Shedd's Christian Doctrine, vol. ii. p. 438. Ed. 1864,
New York.

V.
(p. 302, [38]note 9, Elucidation III., continued.)

This is a valuable passage for the illustration of our author's views
of the nature of tradition, (kata ton semnon tes paradoseos kanona as a
canon "from the creation of the world;" a tradition preluding the
tradition of true knowledge; a divine mystery preparing for the
knowledge of mysteries,--clearing the ground from thorns and weeds,
beforehand, so that the seed of the Word may not be choked. Now, in
this tradition, he includes a true idea of Gentilism as well as of the
Hebrew Church and its covenant relations; in short, whatever a
Christian scholar is obliged to learn from "Antiquities" and
"Introductions" and "Bible Dictionaries," authenticated by universal
and orthodox approbation. These are the providential provisions of the
Divine OEconomy, for the communication of truth. Dr. Watts has a sermon
on the Inward Witness to Christianity, which I find quoted by Vicesimus
Knox (Works, vol. vii. p. 73, et seqq.) in a choice passage that
forcibly expands and expounds some of Clement's suggestions, though
without referring to our author.

VI.
(Justification, p. 305 [39]note 7.)

Without reference to my own views on this great subject, and desiring
merely to illustrate our author, it shall suffice to remark, here, that
to suppose that Clement uses the word technically, as we now use the
language of the schools and of post-Reformation theologians, would
hopelessly confuse the argument of our author. It is clear that he has
no idea of any justification apart from the merits of Christ: but he
uses the term loosely to express his idea, that as the Law led the
Hebrews to the great Healer, who rose from the dead for our
justification, in that sense, and in no other, the truth that was to be
found in Greek Philosophy, although a minimum, did the same for heathen
who loved truth, and followed it so far as they knew. Whether his views
even in this were correct, it would not become me, here, to express any
opinion. (See below, Elucidation XIV.)

VII.
(Philosophy, p. 305, [40]note 8.)

It is so important to grasp just what our author understands by this
"philosophy," that I had designed to introduce, here, a long passage
from Bishop Kaye's lucid exposition. Finding, however, that these
elucidations are already, perhaps, over multiplied, I content myself
with a reference to his Account, etc. (pp. 118-121).

VIII.
(Overflow of the Spirit, p. 306, [41]note 1.)

Here, again, I wished to introduce textual citations from several
eminent authors: I content myself with a very short one from Kaye, to
illustrate the intricacy, not to say the contradictory character, of
some of Clement's positions as to the extent of grace bestowed on the
heathen. "Clement says that an act, to be right, must be done through
the love of God. He says that every action of the heathen is sinful,
since it is not sufficient that an action is right: its object or aim
must also be right" (Account, etc., p. 426). For a most interesting,
but I venture to think overdrawn, statement of St. Paul's position as
to heathen "wisdom," etc., see Farrar's Life of St. Paul (p. 20, et
seqq., ed. New York). Without relying on this popular author, I cannot
but refer the reader to his Hulsean Lecture (1870, p. 135, et seqq.).

IX.
(Faith without Learning, p. 307, [42]note 5.)

The compassion of Christ for poverty, misery, for childhood, and for
ignorance, is everywhere illustrated in Holy Scripture; and faith, even
"as a grain of mustard seed," is magnified, accordingly, in the
infinite love of his teaching. Again I am willing to refer to Farrar
(though I read him always with something between the lines, before I
can adopt his sweeping generalizations) for a fine passage, I should
quote entire, did space permit (The Witness of History to Christ, p.
172, ed. London, 1872). See also the noble sermon of Jeremy Taylor on
John vii. 17 (Works, vol. ii. p. 53, ed. Bohn, 1844).

X.
(The Open Secret, p. 313, [43]note 3.)

The esoteric system of Clement is here expounded in few words: there is
nothing in it which may not be proclaimed from the house-tops, for all
who have ears to hear. It is the mere swine (with seed-pickers and
jack-daws, the spermologoi of the Athenians) who must be denied the
pearls of gnostic truth. And this, on the same merciful principle on
which the Master was silent before Pilate, and turned away from cities
where they were not prepared to receive his message.

XI.
(Bodily Purity, p. 317, [44]note 1.)

From a familiar quotation, I have often argued that the fine instinct
of a woman, even among heathen, enforces a true idea: "If from her
husband's bed, as soon as she has bathed: if from adulterous commerce,
not at all." This is afterwards noted by our author; [2150] but it is
extraordinary to find the mind of the great missionary to our Saxon
forefathers, troubled about such questions, even in the seventh
century. I have less admiration for the elaborate answers of the great
Patriarch of Rome (Gregory), to the scrupulous inquiries of Augustine,
than for the instinctive and aphoristic wisdom of poor Theano, in all
the darkness of her heathenism. (See Ven. Bede, Eccles. Hist., book i.
cap. 27, p. 131. Works, ed. London, 1843.)

XII.
(Clement's View of Philosophy, p. 318, [45]note 4.)

I note the concluding words of this chapter (xvi.), as epitomizing the
whole of what Clement means to say on this great subject; and, for
more, see the Elucidation infra, on Justification.

XIII.
(The Ecstacy of Sibyl, etc., p. 319, [46]note 3.)

No need to quote Virgil's description (AEneid, vi. 46, with Heyne's
references in Excursus V.); but I would compare with his picture of
Sibylline inspiration, that of Balaam (Numbers 24:3, 4, 15, 16), and
leave with the student an inquiry, how far we may credit to a divine
motion, the oracles of the heathen, i.e., some of them. I wish to refer
the student, also, as to a valuable bit of introductory learning, to
the essay of Isaac Casaubon (Exercitationes ad Baronii Prolegom., pp.
65-85, ed. Genevae, 1663).

XIV.
(Justification, p. 323, [47]note 2.)

Casaubon, in the work just quoted above (Exercitat., i.) examines this
passage of our author, and others, comparing them with passages from
St. Chrysostom and St. Augustine, and with Justin Martyr (see vol. i.
p. 178, this series, cap. 46). Bishop Kaye (p. 428) justly remarks:
"The apparent incorrectness of Clement's language arises from not
making that clear distinction which the controversies at the time of
the Reformation introduced." The word "incorrectness," though for
myself I do not object to it, might be said "to beg the question;" and
hence I should prefer to leave it open to the divers views of readers,
by speaking, rather, of his lack of precision in the use of a term not
then defined with theological delicacy of statement.

XV.
(Chronology, p. 334, [48]note 5.)

Here an invaluable work for comparison and reference must be consulted
by the student; viz., the Chronicon of Julius Africanus, in Routh's
Reliquiae (tom ii. p. 220, et seqq.), with learned annotations, in
which (e.g., p. 491) Clement's work is cited. Africanus took up
chronological science in the imperfect state where it was left by
Clement, with whom he was partially contemporary; for he was Bishop of
Emmaus in Palestine (called also Nicopolis), and composed his fine
books of chronological history, under Marcus Aurelius. [2151] On the
Alexandrian era consult a paragraph in Encyc. Britannica (vol. v. p.
714). It was adopted for Christian computation, after Africanus. See
Eusebius (book vi. cap. 31), and compare (this volume, p. 85) what is
said of Theophilus of Antioch, by Abp. Usher. [2152]
__________________________________________________________________
[2143] Book i. cap. i. p. 299, note 1.
[2144] Ed. Rivingtons, London, 1835.
[2145] Book i. cap. i. p. 301, [49]note 9.
[2146] See Jones, On the Canon, vol. iii. p. 44
[2147] Antiquities, vol. i. p. 66, ed. Bohn.
[2148] Book i. cap. i. p. 301, [50]note 10.
[2149] Book i. cap. i. p. 302, [51]note 5.
[2150] p. 428, infra.
[2151] See also Fragments, p. 164, vol. ix. this series, Edin. Edition.
[2152] For matters further pertaining to Clement, consult Routh, i. 140, i. 148, i. 127, i. 169, ii. 59 (Eusebius, vi. 13), ii. 165, 167, 168, 171-172, 179, 307, 416, 491.

The Pastor of Hermas - Introductions

The Pastor of Hermas: Book 1

The Pastor of Hermas: Book 2

The Pastor of Hermas: Book 3

Tatian the Assyrian's Address to the Greeks

Fragments - Tatian the Assyrian

Theophilus of Antioch - Introduction

Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus: Book 1

Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus: Book 2

Theophilus of Antioch to Autolycus: Book 3

Athenagoras

A Plea for Christians by Athenagoras the Athenian: Philosopher and Christian

The Treatise of Athenagoras the Athenian, Philosopher and Christian, on the Resurrection of the Dead

Clement of Alexandria - Introductory Note

Exhortation to the Heathen

The Instructor (Paedagogus) - Book 1

The Instructor (Paedagogus) - Book 2

The Instructor (Paedagogus) - Book 3

Elucidations - Clement of Alexandria

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 1

Elucidations - Purpose of the Stromata

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 2

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 2

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 3

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 4

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 4

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 5

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 5

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 6

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 6

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 7

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 7

The Stromata, or Miscellanies - Book 8

Elucidations - The Stromata, Book 8

Fragments of Clemens Alexandrinus

Clemens Alexandrinus on the Salvation of the Rich Man

Elucidations - Clemens Alexandrinus on the Salvation of the Rich Man